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Global economy faces danger of sliping into recession —IMF warns

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IMF chief Economist discussed the state of the global economy on chapters 1 and 2 of the IMF’s World Economic Outlook. With him at the briefing is Mr. Blanchard, Economic Counselor and Director of the Research Department, Mr. Decressin, Senior Advisor in the Research Department, and the world economic studies team management, Ms. Brooks and Ms. Duttagupta.

Introduction As the Managing Director said last week, the global economy has entered a dangerous new phase. The recovery has weakened considerably, and downside risks have increased sharply. Strong policies are needed both to improve the outlook and to reduce the risks.

Growth, which had been strong in 2010, decreased in 2011. We had forecast some slowdown due mainly to fiscal consolidation. One time events such as the tragic earthquake in Japan offered further plausible explanations for a further slowdown, and the initial data, at least from the U.S., initially understated the size of the slowdown. But, now that the numbers are in, it is clear that more was going on.

What was going on was the stalling of the two rebalancing acts, which as we have argued in many previous reports, are needed to deliver what the G-20 calls strong, balanced, and sustainable growth.
So, let me just talk a bit about each one, internal rebalancing and external rebalancing. So, internal rebalancing.
What is needed to sustain growth is that households and firms increase their demand as fiscal deficits are being rolled back. And, what we observe is that this is not going well for various reasons, most of them having to do with bad balance sheets, in effect. Tight bank lending, the legacy of the housing boom, high leverage for many households all turn out to be putting stronger brakes on the recovery than we had anticipated.

Now, let me turn to external rebalancing, again, an old theme of these previous conferences. If domestic demand is going to be low in advanced countries, then those countries with current account deficits–and here we have in mind mainly the U.S.– need to compensate for it through higher foreign demand, that is the only way to sustain growth. This in turn requires corresponding shifts away from foreign demand toward domestic demand in emerging markets countries with current account surpluses and here we have in mind mainly China.

Now, this rebalancing act is not taking place.
While imbalances narrowed in the crisis, this was due more to cyclical factors than to a structural adjustment of these economies. If we look forward, our forecast is for an increase rather than a decrease of imbalances.
By themselves these developments would have led us to reduce our forecasts, but the problems have been compounded by second major developments, a sharp increase in financial volatility since the middle of the summer. What has happened is that markets have become more skeptical about the ability of policy makers of governments to stabilize their public debt. Worries have spread from countries at the periphery of Europe, to countries in the core of Europe, and then to others. Japan, even the United States. Worries about sovereigns have translated into worries about the banks holding these sovereign bonds, mainly in Europe, and these worries have led to a partial freeze of financial relations with banks keeping high levels of liquidity and tightening lending.

Fear of the unknown is very high.
Stock prices have fallen. This will adversely affect spending and growth in the months to come.
These developments have, not surprisingly, led us to revise our forecasts down. We now forecast world growth to be about 4 percent in 2011 and also 4 percent in 2012. This is down from 4.5 percent for both years in our April forecast. Now, 4 percent may not sound too bad, but, again, the recovery is very unbalanced. For 2011, we see growth of 6.4 percent for emerging market countries, which is a good number, but only 1.6 percent for advanced economies.
As usual, but probably bears repeating here, the forecast assumes that existing policy commitments are met. Otherwise, things could be much worse. Low growth, fiscal and financial weaknesses can easily feed on each other. Lower growth makes fiscal consolidation harder, and fiscal consolidation may lead to lower growth. Lower growth weakens banks, and weaker banks lead to tighter bank lending and lower growth. In short, there are clear downside risks to the forecast that I have given you.

Let me say a word about emerging and developing economies. They’re not at the center of the action at this point, but they are clearly affected by it. So far, they have been largely immune to these adverse developments. They have had to deal with volatile capital flows, but in general have continued to sustain high growth. Looking forward, however, they may well face the more difficult environment with more adverse export conditions, and even more volatile capital flows.

Let me turn to policy.
In light of the low baseline, our low forecast, and the high risks, strong policy action is of the essence. It has to rely on three legs: The first leg is fiscal policy. Fiscal consolidation cannot be too fast, as it would kill growth. It cannot be too slow, as it would kill credibility. The speed must vary across countries, the key continues to be credible, medium-term consolidation.
Going beyond fiscal policy, measures which prompt domestic demand, which we explained is quite weak, ranging from continued low interest rates, to increased bank lending, to resolution programs for the housing market, are also of the essence.

This was the first leg.
The second leg is financial measures. Fiscal uncertainty will not go away over night. Even under the most optimistic assumptions, growth in advanced countries will remain low for sometime. During that time, banks must be made stronger. Not only to increase bank lending, which is essential to the recovery, but also to reduce the risks of vicious feedback loops. The ones I’ve described. For a number of banks, especially in Europe, this requires additional capital buffers, preferably from private sources but if needed from public sources as well.
Let me turn to the third and last leg, which is external rebalancing.
It is hard to see how even with the policy measures listed above U.S. domestic demand can by itself ensure sufficient U.S. growth. Thus, the U.S. must rely more on foreign demand, in other words reduce its current account deficit. Looking at the other side of the world, the number of Asian countries with large current account surpluses, in particular China, have announced plans to rebalance from foreign demand toward domestic demand. These plans clearly cannot be implemented over night, but they must be implemented as fast as can be.
Let me conclude. Only if governments move decisively on fiscal policy, financial repairs, and external rebalancing can we hope for a stronger and more robust recovery. Thank you very much.

You said that some emerging markets can afford to wait and see before taking action in monetary policy, further actions. But, actually, some countries like Brazil they have already taken some actions and they are decreasing interest rates, and others may follow. So, I would like to know your opinion on these developments on monetary policy in emerging markets.

Mr. Blanchard: I’ll make some general remarks and maybe Ms. Brooks can intervene for particular countries such as Brazil.I think this is a case in which one has to first look backward and then look forward. Looking backward, it is clear that a number of economies were very close to overheating last time we met, and some of them are still very close to overheating. So, it is clear that until now, in a number of countries, tightening monetary policy was actually very important to do. Now, we are in an environment in which things are shifting, possibly quite fast. Many of these countries may see a decrease in export growth, may see a decrease in foreign demand, and therefore they have to be ready in some cases to actually change course, not change the principles of policy, but change course, and again adopt a looser monetary policy.

It is going to depend on the state of the country, the state of the exports, so on. But it is clear that in general, we are probably going to see a movement from tightening toward loosening.
Ms. Brooks: If I could add, as Mr. Blanchard mentioned, there are these two sources. In the case of Brazil it is pretty clear the central bank put emphasis on the downside risks of growth which were emerging in the external environment. We have to wait and see to find out what is going to be the impact on domestic demand and on inflation pressures. But we do take some assurance from the fact that fiscal policy at the same time has been tightened, which should help alleviate some of these inflationary pressures.

I wonder if you agree with the assessment of the rating agency Standard & Poor’s which downgraded Italy that Italy’s main problems are weak government, and weak growth. Also, if you could tell us what you expect the Italian government to do and what do you think they should do? Also, you mentioned lower interest rates. I was wondering if you could tell us if you think that includes the ECB reversing the interest rate increases that they have approved over the past several months.

Mr. Decressin: With respect to the situation in Italy, especially the public finances, I think one should take into account a few things. The first is that Italy’s fiscal deficit presently at 4 percent of GDP compares relatively favorably to that of other advanced economies. Second, on our forecast, the deficit will fall to around 1 percent in 2013 and will be substantially lower than that in as that in many other advanced economies. Third, the debt level, in percent of GDP, is on our forecast projected to decline starting in 2013, and by the year 2016 it will actually be slightly lower than that of the United States. Fourth, if you look at the pressures from aging that Italy faces, in a sense it is a society that is already relatively old compared to other advanced economies, and therefore spending on health and pensions is not forecast to increase as much as in many other advanced economies. So you might wonder what is the problem then with Italy? And, the issue here is, the growth rate, which is relatively low. And, the challenge in our view is that the government needs to continue to implement its plans with respect to fiscal consolidation, and at the same time embark on structural reforms to boost growth.

You wondered about our position on the ECB monetary policy. Here, we say that if downside risks persist, the ECB should cut rates. At this stage, it is still a bit early, but there are many indicators pointing in the direction of these downside risks persisting and so consistent with that, if the economy doesn’t take a turn for the better, there will be a need to cut rates.Could you elaborate a little more on the downside scenario you mentioned here in the executive summary, which could throw — as you say here, the euro area and the United States could fall back into recession. What would bring that about, and since we think the downside scenario is becoming more likely, what sort of probabilities are you attaching to that? And secondly, I was hoping you might be able to take us back, a little over a year ago in Canada, the discussion was all about how to synchronize policies to maximize our growth and the recovery. I’m wondering, given the way things have evolved, do you think the IMF erred in sort of hammering so hard on the fiscal consolidation issue a year ago?

Mr. Blanchard: We considered a number of scenarios in the WEO. In particular, we considered a downside scenario, where we assume there are two shocks. One is another flare-up in the euro zone, which leads to an increase in spreads and an increase in rates. The other r one is a further decline in the underlying growth rate of the U.S. economy, which affects not only in the U.S. economy in the long run, but expectations and demand now. . As you can see from reading the WEO, we get much lower growth than in the baseline.

I think our position on fiscal, since the beginning of the crisis, has been very consistent. You didn’t go back to 2008 and 2009, but I’m quite sure that at the time the clear and present danger was in the collapse of aggregate demand. I think at the time it was justified to argue for fiscal expansion.

As you know, most of the increase in the debt to GDP that we have observed since then doesn’t come from fiscal stimulus, but comes from the recession itself. We estimate that the contribution of the initial fiscal stimulus is somewhere between 10 and 20 percent. At some stage, it became clear that there had to be a movement away from fiscal expansion, and I think from the beginning, we have had this consistent message which I’m really tired of hearing myself repeat, which is the need for credible, medium-term fiscal consolidation. What we now are doing is trying to put this in practice, and see exactly what it means for each country; this depends on the initial level of debt, the initial level of credibility, the sensitivity of markets, factors like aging and others, and I think that we still very much apply the same logic in giving advice to the various countries.

First of all, I would like to know about your perspective for Spain. In the WEO you indicate that maybe the government should take new measures to gain those medium-term objectives with the deficit. And also I would like to know the impact on the presidential elections in November in achieving those objectives?
Mr. Decressin – As far as Spain is concerned, like in other economies, we have shaved down our forecast for growth, but actually to a more limited extent than in a number of other advanced economies. We’re now seeing growth basically for 2011 actually on track with our old forecast, and 2012 slightly lower, by half a percent.
As far as fiscal policy is concerned, it looks like the target for 2011, which is a deficit of 6 percent of GDP, will be met. But, over the medium term additional measures will need to be taken in order to reduce the deficit to around 3 percent of GDP in 2013.

As far as the presidential elections are concerned, honestly, I have no comment on that. Thank you.
I know that, Mr. Blanchard, you have visited Indonesia a couple of years ago and have seen the use of stimulus policies. How do you think Indonesia this time should cope with the deteriorating global economy? Do you think that Indonesia should implement monetary and fiscal stimulative policies next year?
Mr. Blanchard: I think that a visit to Indonesia two years ago does not qualify me as the current expert on Indonesia. So I’m going to allow Ms. Duttagupta to answer.

Ms. Duttagupta: Indonesia, like other emerging market countries, is facing tensions. On the one hand, very strong domestic demand whereby growth is projected to be around 6.5 percent both this year and next year. At the same time, there are these potential negative spillovers from the external side.
We think for now the wait-and-see approach is good for Indonesia, but if the baseline forecast continues to prevail, we think an appropriate time to start tightening policies is toward the end of this year and next year. But for now, a wait-and-see approach is good in terms of monetary policy, simply because it is nimble and it can change course relatively easily.

Two questions if I may. First, about the euro zone. You say in the executive summary that one of the big risks is that the crisis in the euro zone runs away from the control of policy makers. Isn’t that precisely what is happening at the moment?

Second question is about the U.K. specifically. You say that countries like Germany and the U.K. which have the ability to borrow cheaply because of their low bond yields should think about doing so, and slowing the pace of fiscal consolidation. Should the U.K. be doing that?
Mr. Blanchard: On the euro zone, you are right. That is the right perception, that policy makers are one step behind the action in markets. And, I think we are very explicit in our messages, both in the WEO and elsewhere, in saying that Europe must get its act together; that they met in July, took a number of decisions as to, for example, the role of the EFSF, and it is absolutely essential that they do what is needed so that this is operational very soon. It is indeed a major source of worry. So you can see us as indeed issuing a call to arms.

Mr. Decressin: Regarding fiscal policy, there are pros and cons in responding quickly to the economy. The pro is, if you loosen up your fiscal policy, you can support activity. The con is that you have actually embarked on a consolidation plan and when you keep changing course very quickly, you can undermine your own credibility. So our view is that policies in Germany and the U.K. should only be loosened if growth really threatens to slow down substantially, relative to what we are forecasting. For as long as our forecast seems to pan out, there is no reason to change fiscal plans.

Mr. Blanchard: Let me make a more general remark about fiscal policy. When things turn out worse than expected, I think the first reaction should be to allow what we call automatic stabilizers to fully function. In the case of the U.K., these are very powerful. There is a moment at which things are so bad, if they get there, when you actually have to revise your plans. We do not think that the UK is quite there yet. .
Can you give us some sort of idea about the timeline we’re talking about here, about the risk of the downside scenario? Differentiating between perhaps the U.S. timeline and then Europe, are we talking about days, weeks, months or does Europe have years?

Secondly, you say that European banks in particular must accept, I think the phrase you use is, must accept injection, capital injections. That seems to be code for mandatory recapitalization.Am I interpreting that wrong?
Mr. Blanchard – Let me have a go at both questions. When could things go wrong? Any time. We had two flare-ups in the last two months, and we could have more, and they could be worse. I think the implication is that we don’t know. Maybe it doesn’t happen, maybe it happens in a long time, maybe it happens sooner. The implication is policy makers don’t have the luxury of time. And, again, going back to full passage of the EFSF, it is really essential that it be there as soon as possible and other measures also be ready to be implemented if needed. We cannot assume that we have another three months or six months or a year.

On the capital injections, you will get a more detailed discussion tomorrow when the GFSR is presented. But, our view is that in the current environment in which there is low growth, and therefore the likelihood of increasing nonperforming loans, together with uncertainty about sovereign bonds, it is important for banks to be well capitalized. Now, banks have two ways of increasing their capital ratios, they can do it by decreasing the assets that they hold or by increasing their capital. We are very worried that they are more likely, in the absence of measures, to do it by decreasing the assets they hold, by deleveraging, which would lead to decrease in bank lending and a credit crunch. And therefore, we think the right way of responding in this case is to increase capital.
Now, we think it would be much better for the banks to do it through private funds. But, it has to be that if they do not do it through private funds in some cases, it makes sense to force them to accept public funds to recapitalize.
I have a question about the government bond purchases of the ECB. In your report you say the ECB should go on intervening in the markets. The size of the bonds already purchased is now double, almost double the capital of the ECB. First question. Do we see a limit to how much the ECB can purchase on the markets? Second, given this scenario, what happens with the ECB going on to lose credibility?

Mr. Decressin: We see no signs that the ECB is losing any credibility. Inflationary expectations are very well anchored. Inflation itself in our forecast is expected to decline well below 2 percent in the year 2012. The interventions of around 140 billion euro is very small compared to the size of European GDP. And in our view they’re essential in order to maintain orderly conditions in sovereign bond markets that facilitate a pass through of monetary policy to the real economy. If that pass through doesn’t take place, then growth will just get worse and with worsening growth, there will be weaker banks, and there will be a downward spiral in European activity. We believe that the ECB is doing absolutely the right thing. Moreover, it is intervening especially in those bond markets where governments are adjusting, so we even have what we call an incentive-compatible solution in place, meaning we are seeing those governments being helped that are also actually helping themselves.

Mr. Blanchard: Let me add something to this answer to the previous answer Mr Decressin gave about Italy. Mr. Decressin gave numbers for the budget in Italy which are quite impressive in many ways, and if Italy implements these measures, and is able to borrow at a relatively low rate, then we think that debt in Italy is sustainable. If, for some reason, the markets start believing that Italy’s debt is not sustainable, and starts asking for interest rates of 8, 9, 10 percent then it is clear that Italy’s debt is not sustainable. This is what we economists call multiple equilibria, but it is a very simple thing to understand. In this case, it is absolutely essential that somebody be there to make sure that the interest rate is low and that Italy’s debt is sustainable. At this stage, this role is played by the ECB, and that is a very important role for the ECB to play.

How do you see the economic performance in the Middle East in the short and medium term in light of uncertainty in the global economy, and regional unrest? What countries do you think need help to adjust their fiscal policies and to overcome economic challenges?

Ms. Duttagupta: Overall, for the Middle East and North African region, we expect growth to slow down slightly from about 4.4 percent to 4 percent this year, and furthermore to 3.5, there is quite a bit of difference between the oil exporters on the one hand and the oil importers, and also those that underwent very deep social and political turmoil.
For the oil exporters—given our forecast of still very strong commodity prices, although with a little bit less momentum for this year and next—we expect them to have strong fiscal and current account balances, but the opposite holds true for countries that are importing commodities, and those undergoing very protracted political transition to stability.

In terms of needs, the urgency is to bring in place political stability, and then put fiscal policies on a sustainable footing and also put in place the broad institutions, and structural reforms needed for a more inclusive growth agenda that would attract private sector jobs, and support the fast growth of labor force in the region, and reduce unemployment, including for the youth.

They say that the BRICs may cooperate to support the troubled European countries. I just wonder, in your view, what do these troubled European countries really need in terms of external support out of Europe?
Mr. Decressin – I think first and foremost the troubled European countries need to help themselves. So, they need to implement strong fiscal adjustment programs, and as they’re implementing strong programs, they can count on external support first and foremost from the European peers, but also from the IMF. That for us is absolutely critical.
On the question of commodities, you make the point just now that commodity prices remain robust, but in the scenario that there was considerable downside in the emerging markets, particularly Chinese growth. What impact do you feel that would have on the commodity market, the oil price but also other commodities?

As a supplementary to that, growth in sub-Saharan Africa, for example, has been quite impressive over the last two or three years. If commodity prices came under pressure, just how serious do you think that would be for the sub-Saharan economies, and do you believe that they’re actually now sufficiently restructured to be able to take significant pressure on that front?

Mr. Decressin – Growth in emerging economies has a very important impact on commodity markets, because their growth is, especially, more energy intensive. In our downside scenario, for example, you find that GDP in emerging Asia is lower by 2.5 percent relative to our WEO projections and this will be consistent with the drop in oil prices of around 25 percent.

At this stage, though, because of the strong growth that we keep forecasting for the emerging economies, we do not see such a downside scenario materializing for oil prices and that is also why oil prices are still relatively high and other commodity prices as well, although they have of course retreated from the peak they reached in April/May.
As far as sub-Saharan Africa, I will let Ms. Duttagupta respond.

Ms. Duttagupta – On the baseline, you are right that strong commodity prices are helping growth among the oil and commodity exporters in sub-Saharan Africa. Besides, other factors that are expected to help maintain growth momentum over 2011 and 2012 are still accommodative macroeconomic policies; and second, they have also reoriented their trade more toward other developing and emerging markets, including China and India. So to the extent our forecast assumes that in some of these bigger emerging markets there is enough policy space to support domestic demand should external risks start materializing, that will pull ahead many of the other developing countries, including sub-Saharan Africa.

Can you provide a little more detail on this research about how equity prices can predict recessions? And, expand on how seriously you take the notion that, according to that, the U.S. has a 38 percent chance of Q3 recession, the U.K. a 17 percent chance, and France a 18 percent chance.

Mr. Decressin – What we’re doing in this research is basically establishing a relationship between whether or not there is a recession in a country, and whether or not there has been a large fall in equity prices that took place more or less at the same time. That relation suggests that given the drops in equity prices that we have seen so far, the chances of a recession in the U.S. would be 38 percent, and then 18 and 17 percent in the U.K. and France, respectively. This is a purely an econometric relationship based on past behavior of stock prices and recessions. One has to be very careful in bringing this to today and making a judgment on the economy today. Whether or not there will be a depends on many other factors, especially what happens to policy. What happens to policy in the United States and the euro area, will be of much more importance than what has happened to equity prices over the past few months.
Nonetheless, the sharp decline of equity prices and the volatility in financial markets is of course a source of concern for the global economy.

Mr. Blanchard:- An old, tired joke which comes from Paul Samuelson is that the stock market has predicted nine out of the last five recessions, and I think that has to be taken as an indication that the stock market has information but it doesn’t know everything.

Here we have a problem, which I understand your question, but Ms. Duttagupta is the one who has to give the answer. The question is whether instability in the MENA may have implications beyond the MENA for the world economy?
Ms. Duttagupta: What we saw in the spring of this year give reasons for your concerns. Indeed instability in the MENA region led to a sharp increase in oil prices. However, there was good response from the OPEC which helped basically attenuate the effect. That said, continued or a sudden increase in instability in the MENA region continues to be a downside risk for the region, and therefore for the rest of the world, by propagating through higher oil prices in particular.

Can I ask about the IMF position about the situation in Greece, and how it is developing, according to the latest articles from Mr. Roubini that he raised again the question of leaving the euro zone.
Mr. Decressin – As far as we know the Greek government is fully committed to staying in the euro area. Its euro area peers are fully committed to preserving the integrity of the euro area. The government is intent on implementing a strong adjustment program, a review of which we are now in the process of assessing with them. And, the European partners of Greece are committed to helping the country for as long as it is helping itself in the context of the program. So this issue really for us does not arise.

What further do you think needs to be done to underpin the euro besides the call to arms on implementation of the current program? I’m thinking in particular about what the IMF supports further enlargement of the financial stability facility, and the idea of eurobonds?

Mr. Blanchard: I would say that in the list of things we would like to see in Europe, the first one is implementation of what was agreed to in July, which seems to us to be terribly important. The second is the increase in capital buffers of banks. We discussed it already. Then, clearly, you want to put in place a fiscal structure which makes sense for the future. This is not fighting today’s fire, but it is preventing future fires.

Actually, there is progress. There is the so-called six-pack set of measures, which establishes surveillance of both budget and macro developments. And that should be put in place as well. It is not going to make a difference in the next week or month, but it is essential.

On the eurobonds, our position is that it would be premature to issue a eurobond before the previous item, namely a good system of surveillance is in place. You cannot give the right to a country to just borrow at the same rate as you do without having some control or some interaction as to what it is doing is right or not. It is probably a good idea for later. It is not a good idea for now.

There is a continuing debate on whether to tame inflation to restart growth rates in such a developing country like Vietnam. Right now, the inflation rate in Viet Nam is almost 20 percent, and the interest rate is also 20 percent. The problem is that the depositors expect that inflation will increase more in the future so that they want to decrease interest rates but they cannot. What should a country like Vietnam do in such a circumstance? Do they loosen monetary policy right now, or keep on tightening?

Ms. Duttagupta: Our assessment is basically that the priority for Vietnam should be on tackling very high inflation. It is, as you mentioned, facing very high inflation pressures and that should be the priority. And, growth has been reasonably good, and monetary policy should continue to be on the tightening phase.
Latin America seems to lead growth in this month, like the WEO says. What is your opinion of the regional initiatives they are taking in these economies to tackle this crisis in advanced economies like promoting traditional commerce initiatives and new financial instruments, like Banco del Sur, or to promote local currencies for international commerce in the region.

Ms. Brooks – The Latin American region has weathered the global crisis very well, partly because of the policy response and the very good use of policy space in many countries. Another reason is that the region itself has become very interconnected with the rest of the world and within the region itself. Latin America has benefited from the very strong commodity prices, and indirectly from the very strong growth in emerging Asia. But on the other hand, it has also benefited quite a lot from growth in Brazil and the positive spillover effects into neighboring countries.
So, from that point of view, when we are in a world where the external environment is getting worse, regional arrangements and regional initiatives to promote trade would definitely have a beneficial effect on growth going forward.

There are many economists and analysts who think that a breakup of the euro zone is now a reasonable scenario, that it is no longer just a crazy scenario. I was wondering why you did not put this in the WEO, and how you would assess the risks for the world economy if this event should come through.

Mr. Decressin – The Europeans are fully committed to making the euro area work. This is, as you well know, more than just an economic project. It is also a political project. And moreover, for the most part, it is still working reasonably well and far away from any scenario that would be close to one that you are contemplating. For us, we are seeing the adjustments, for example, in the peripheral economies taking place. The program with Portugal is advancing well, with Ireland is advancing well. You see the adjustments now happening also in Spain. In Italy. And, in this respect, the program with Greece still under the review is a relatively small part of the euro, a problem that is imminently manageable if the right actions are taken. We still think it is a crazy proposition to think about the breakup of the euro area. That is why it is not in the WEO.

Mr. Blanchard: Let me take a bit of a risk and add something to the answer. The usual answer is that we don’t deal with hypotheticals, which is the easy answer. It is clear that if it were to happen, then it is clear that policies would be needed to ring fence the other countries, the other European countries at risk. That would be absolutely essential.

Amid today’s high uncertainties, if you have 1 billion U.S. dollars, I wonder where would you invest it, to hold in the dollar, to buy euro, or to buy gold, or euro government securities, or else why? Secondly, in your perspective, are the short-term solutions taken by advanced economies, including providing liquidity, strong enough to solve the long-term and structural problems and boost weak demand and confidence?

Mr. Blanchard: On the first question, let me indicate that I am not an investment advisor, so I’m not going to tell you where to put your money… More seriously, it is clear, and we saw this with the downgrade, the S&P downgrade of U.S. bonds, that we may have entered a world in which there is no longer a truly riskless asset. Many strategies, many portfolio strategies based on the existence of some riskless assets and then some risky assets have to be reconsidered.. This means that the allocation of portfolios over the next months and years will be different from what it was in the past, maybe more volatile, and that is a factor we have to take into consideration.

I’ve lived in Japan for the past 20 years and we know that when you have a major asset bubble and problems in the financial system, you tend to get a balance sheet recession, you tend to get very slow real growth, even despite heavy fiscal incentives. So, my question is, can the United States and Europe avoid a lost decade Japan style? And if so, how?

Very briefly on the emerging markets, your forecast of 6 percent, I think, seems rather on the optimistic side. Are you assuming there that essentially domestic demand in the emerging markets is going to sustain that level of growth?
Mr. Decressin – On the lost decade, we are three years into a very sluggish recovery, so there are now seven years left. If strong policies are being implemented this can easily be avoided. In Europe, and we talked about the increase in capital of banks in Europe––recognizing the problems and dealing with them, that is one of the lessons of Japan. We talked about the need for the U.S. to put in place a medium-term fiscal adjustment program — another lesson of Japan — a medium-term fiscal adjustment program so that they can in the short run support the economy through such useful measures as there are in the American Jobs Act. And, if there is a general sense that policy makers can actually deal with the problems, then the lost decade can be easily avoided.

Let me come to your second question, which is about emerging economies.
We are forecasting around 6 percent growth. In our previous WEO we were expecting that many of these economies had to tighten both on the monetary front, and on the fiscal front. Now, with less external demand, what many of these economies can do is they can pause the tightening on the monetary front and still achieve a relatively higher growth rate. So that is what is underlying our forecast.
Mr. Blanchard: Let me add something about the lessons of Japan–which were lessons similar to those drawn from looking at the aftermath of many other financial crises. After a financial crisis, after a boom/bust in asset prices, you have serious balance sheet problems and you have many years of balance sheet repairs. That is what we saw in Japan and that is what we’re seeing here. I think we’re now better informed as to what implications this has. So, for example, the measures about increasing the capital of banks, resolving some of the problems in the housing markets seem to us to be essential, and hopefully will avoid that kind of outcome.

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Why EU slams heavy tariffs on China electric vehicles—CIS 

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The European Union announced plans last Wednesday  to introduce additional tariffs of up to 38 percent on imports of electric vehicles (EVs) from China. This announcement came as part of the provisional findings of an investigation launched by the European Commission in September 2023, which concluded that Chinese EV production benefits from “unfair subsidisation, which is causing a threat of economic injury to EU BEV producers.”

What are the preliminary tariffs announced by the European Commission?

The European Commission’s preliminary tariffs range from 17 per cent to 38 per cent and would apply on top of the European Union’s standard 10 per cent car tariffs. The tariffs cover imports of new electric vehicles “propelled …. solely by one or more electric engines” coming from China. They do not cover hybrids, nor do they cover individual EV inputs such as batteries. Tariff rates would vary depending on the automaker and were purportedly calculated according to estimates of state subsidisation for BYD, Geely, and SAIC, which were included in the commission’s sample of Chinese EV manufacturers. Automakers that cooperated in the investigation but were not sampled would be subject to a weighted average duty of 21 percent. Other EV producers which did not cooperate would be subject to a residual duty of 38.1 percent. Notably, these tariffs apply to not only Chinese automakers—but also to Western firms that make EVs in China for the European Union, such as Tesla, BMW, and Volkswagen. The investigation’s report did include a provision that permits companies not included in the sample to request an “individually calculated duty rate” at the definitive stage, potentially allowing Western automakers to receive lower rates.

Why did the European Commission announce these tariff increases?

The European Commission stated that the purpose of the tariffs is to “remove the substantial unfair competitive advantage” of Chinese EV supply chains “due to the existence of unfair subsidy schemes in China.” As with U.S. law and consistent with World Trade Organisation rules, EU trade anti-subsidy measures must establish that “imports benefit from countervailable subsidies” and that the “EU industry suffers material injury.” The commission’s announcement suggests that it identified sufficient evidence on both these accounts, although it did not disclose any specific findings. The commission reportedly sent letters to BYD, SAIC, and Geely in April saying that they had not provided enough information related to the investigation, suggesting that the commission would be forced to rely on the concept of “facts available”—which typically allows for greater leeway to impose higher duties. In China, Beijing and local governments have historically provided a wide range of support for domestic EV manufacturing, including purchase subsidies, tax rebates, and below-market loans and equity. For instance, BYD received 2.1 billion euro in direct government subsidies in 2022. Although Beijing has recently dialed back purchase subsidies, softening domestic demand combined with high manufacturing capacity have encouraged domestic automakers to offload excess inventory to foreign markets—particularly Europe, where Chinese EVs often sell for at least 20 percent more than the same models can fetch in China. EU imports of Chinese EVs surged from $1.6 billion in 2020 to $11.5 billion in 2023. Chinese and Chinese-owned EV brands grew from 1 percent of the EU market in 2019 to 8 percent in 2022, with the European Commission warning that figure could reach 15 percent by 2025. While these figures do not yet indicate Chinese market dominance, rapid Chinese share growth and long-term ambitions—such as BYD’s commitment to reach 5 per cent of Europe’s EV market—have created alarm in the European Union.

Given that Chinese EVs have already entered the European Union in large numbers and many European automakers rely on Chinese manufacturing, it is unlikely that the new tariffs are designed to fully block off these imports. The commission explicitly indicated as much in its stated aim “not to close the EU markets to [Chinese EV] imports.” That said, the commission no doubt sees a surge of Chinese EVs as a threat to its burgeoning EV industry—which is already being squeezed on margins by inflation and high interest rates. Many EU observers see parallels between the surging EV imports and the rise of Chinese solar panel imports in the 2000s and 2010s, which critics credit with the erosion of Europe’s solar manufacturing base. The commission wants to avoid a similar fate for European EV manufacturing.

How are the European Union’s new tariffs different from recently announced U.S. tariffs?

Although it comes just weeks after the Biden administration’s tariff hike on Chinese EVs, the European Commission’s decision is notably different. While the former is arguably largely symbolic—given the small number of Chinese EVs currently being imported into the United States—and overtly protectionist, the latter is an attempt at a more narrowly tailored trade measure that balances (1) support for a nascent EV industry competing with a heavily subsidised competitor and (2) ensuring continued trade with Chinese manufacturing supply chains and China’s consumer automotive markets, which are both critical to the European Union’s auto industry. This distinction was apparent in the rhetoric used to describe the measures. The Biden administration adopted a directly protectionist tone, while the European Commission explicitly disavowed protectionist intentions and stated that the aim of the tariffs was to “ensure that EU and Chinese industries compete on a level playing field.”

Pursuant to these divergent policy aims, the EU tariffs differ from the U.S. tariff hikes in both their magnitude and scope. The Biden administration quadrupled existing rates to reach 100 percent tariffs for Chinese EVs—well above the upper bounds of the European Union’s measures. The U.S. tariff hikes apply equally across automakers manufacturing EVs in China, while the commission plans to apply more tailored rates based on subsidy estimates and levels of cooperation with the anti-subsidy investigation. The Biden administration’s measures also include EV components—namely, lithium-ion batteries—while the EU tariffs only apply to finished EVs. These differences also reflect the statutory authorities through which the tariffs were enacted. The United States used its Section 301 authority, which permits a broad range of actions in response to foreign trade practices deemed unfair. The European Union relied on its countervailing duty authority, which allows more targeted responses to specific subsidy rates. While they are clearly distinct from the U.S. tariff hikes, however, whether the European Union’s new measures can successfully strike a balance between protecting domestic industry and minimising disruption to its trade relationship with China remains to be seen. Much of this will depend on how China and its automotive sector choose to respond as well as whether the measures can enable greater pricing parity between Chinese and European EV brands.

What implications might the preliminary tariffs have for the European Union’s EV markets and its transition to clean energy?

The preliminary EU tariffs are unlikely to significantly reduce the growing tide of Chinese EVs entering the European market. A 2023 Rhodium Group study estimated that EU tariffs would need to reach the 45 percent to 55 percent range to make the European market commercially unappealing for Chinese manufacturers based on existing margins. While the proposed combined 48 percent duties on SAIC (and automakers “which did not cooperate in the investigation”) fall into this range, the rates for Geely and BYD remain below it. Even with the tariffs, BYD would reportedly still generate higher EV profits in the European Union than it does in China and could even pass along tariffs to consumers and remain lower priced than competing European models. China’s EV industry expressed low levels of concern in its initial assessments of the tariffs’ effects. Cui Donghshu, secretary general of the China Passenger Car Association, said that the measures “won’t have much of an impact on the majority of Chinese firms,” and Chinese producer NIO reaffirmed its “unwavering” commitment to the European EV market. Many Chinese automakers have also expanded their European manufacturing, a trend that is expected to accelerate in response to the tariffs. There is some evidence that European and U.S. automakers with operations in China could face negative impacts. The previously mentioned Rhodium Group study, for instance, found that duties in the 15 percent to 30 percent range could have a greater impact on the ability of Western automakers like BMW and Tesla—which produce EVs on slimmer margins than Chinese firms—to export from their Chinese manufacturing facilities compared to China-based automakers. Volkswagen, BMW, and Tesla have been among the most outspoken critics of the commission’s anti-subsidy probe and preliminary tariffs. Tesla has requested an individually calculated rate based on an evaluation of its subsidy rate, and it is possible that affected European automakers will do the same—which would likely lead to more lenient rates for Western automakers. The commission reiterated that the tariff hikes do not undermine its goal of transitioning to clean energy. However, tariffs could drive elevated EV prices in European markets—and therefore depress European demand for EVs. Tesla, for instance, has already announced price hikes on its Model 3 vehicles. The commission is also investigating Chinese clean technology such as solar and wind, indicating a broader reluctance to allow widespread low-cost Chinese green exports to enter the European Union as it attempts to build up domestic green industries, even if they would boost demand. The United States has also faced scrutiny along this front, with the European Commission expressing concerns about the adverse impacts of the 2022 Inflation Reduction Act.

How might China respond to these new preliminary tariffs?

China’s response to the preliminary tariffs could take many forms—most notably, retaliatory tariffs on European exports of cars and other goods. Beijing has mentioned the possibility of retaliation in areas like food and agriculture and aviation, as well as the possibility of a 25 per cent tariff on imports of “cars equipped with large displacement engines.” German automakers cited the risk of retaliatory tariffs as a key risk of the commission’s anti-subsidy probe, given that China represents the leading global market for passenger vehicle sales. China already announced an anti-dumping investigation into European liquor in January of 2024, which is expected to affect imports of French cognac. Chinese officials and automakers technically have opportunities to respond to these findings and encourage the commission to modify the countervailing duties before its final determination. Notably, Vice Premier Ding Xuexiang announced plans to travel to Brussels to “deepen” the EU-China “green partnership.” That said, Beijing has consistently rejected claims that its support for domestic industry constitutes unfair subsidisation in similar cases, and China’s Ministry of Commerce has called the tariff announcement a “nakedly protectionist act.” Additionally, Chinese firms have shown little willingness to cooperate with the European Commission thus far. Therefore, retaliatory measures seem more likely than successful further negotiations at this stage. Trade action would likely be limited, as China may be wary of a broader trade war due to potential negative impacts on domestic industry and fears of encouraging increased coordinated transatlantic economic action against China.

What does the European Commission’s decision say about its current trade policy objectives?

Like the United States, the European Union is pursuing intertwined—and often competing—objectives of building up and protecting domestic industries, reducing Chinese control of supply chains, and transitioning to green technologies. However, the deep interdependence of the EU and Chinese auto industries makes the European Union less inclined to significantly reduce reliance on China in the sector. While this more moderate approach leaves European EV manufacturers exposed to Chinese competition, it allows many of the same manufacturers to use China for cheap manufacturing. The European Union’s trade policy thus theoretically harms the clean energy transition less than more restrictive trade measures by allowing access to (and competition with) low-cost Chinese technologies. Whether the European Union can achieve this without undermining its own EV industry—either via a trade war or by failing to stop the flood of low-cost imports from BYD and others—remains to be seen.
*Critical Questions is produced by the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), a private, tax-exempt institution focusing on international public policy issues.

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Economy

Sahel, Central African Republic face complex challenges to sustainable Development–IMF

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Countries in the Sahel (comprising Burkina Faso, Chad, Mali, Mauritania, and Niger), along with neighboring Central African Republic (CAR) are facing a medley of development challenges. Escalating insecurity, political instability including military takeovers, climate change, and overlapping economic shocks are making it even harder to achieve sustainable and inclusive development in one of the poorest parts of the world. In 2022, conflict-related fatalities in these countries increased by over 40 percent. The deterioration of the security situation over the past decade has caused a humanitarian crisis, with more than 3 million people fleeing violence in Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger, according to UNHCR. More frequent extreme weather events in the Sahel—including historic floods and drought—depress productivity in agriculture, resulting in the loss of income and assets, while exacerbating food insecurity and reinforcing a vicious circle of fragility and conflict. In an interview with Country Focus, the IMF African Department’s Abebe Selassie and Vitaliy Kramarenko discuss the economic ramifications of these challenges and how these countries can best address priority needs.

What do some of these challenges mean for Sahel and CAR economies?

Governments in these countries (except for Mauritania) are facing tighter financing constraints, exacerbated by escalating security costs and rising debt. Security spending has imposed an increasing and unavoidable burden on budgets, reaching 3.9 percent of GDP in 2022 and absorbing 25 percent of fiscal revenues before grants, on average. Increased security spending is a necessity to ensure stability, but it is crowding out other priority spending, including the provision of basic public services. For the countries in the Sahel region, public debt as a share of GDP has been increasing steadily since 2011 and is projected to average close to 51 percent in 2023. With financial conditions likely to remain tight in the near term, there is limited scope for governments to borrow more. To meet pressing needs, Sahel countries must therefore focus on grants, highly concessional financing, domestic revenue mobilization, and private sector development efforts.

What is the economic outlook for the region, and how can the Sahel catch up with other economies?

Economic growth in the region is projected to stabilise at about 4.7 percent over the medium term. But this is not enough to reverse the increasing income divergence between the Sahel region and advanced economies. The divergence could be further exacerbated if terms of trade deteriorate relative to the baseline scenario. IMF estimates suggest that additional investments of about $28.3 billion over 2023-26 would be required to fully reignite the development catch-up process in the region.

What kind of additional support is needed to ensure a path to sustainable development in the region?

Addressing the multiple challenges faced by the five Sahel countries and CAR will require stepped up efforts from both governments and development partners. Bold reforms, supported by highly concessional financing, are needed to revive income convergence trends and address the driving forces of rising insecurity.

Additional donor support, preferably in the form of grants, will be an essential part of the solution. Donor support to these countries has declined by close to 20 percent over the last decade to reach about 4 percent of GDP. Strikingly, less than half a percent of GDP was provided in the form of budget support grants in 2022, which are crucial to address financing priorities in a flexible manner. Political instability and fragile transitions to civilian rule in Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger are making it more difficult to raise the concessional financing needed to meet spending priorities. Concerns related to the transparency of public spending is also an important issue in CAR. Prolonged reductions of budget support to the region present significant risks to essential functions of the state and will worsen already dire social and humanitarian conditions. Hence, the international community needs to find ways to engage Sahel countries on financing key social programs even amidst difficult transitions to help lay the foundation for peace and sustainable development in the region and beyond.

What else can country authorities do?

Country authorities can also play their part to facilitate greater donor financing. Measures that increase budget transparency and accountability and further enhance governance and anti-corruption frameworks will help, including efforts to strengthen security expenditure management and internal controls. While more financial support is critically important in the near term, government efforts to boost domestic revenue mobilisation are also essential to finance spending needs in a sustainable manner. Countries should also improve the provision of public services in fragile zones and implement policies to unlock access to economic opportunities for young people. Given the preponderance of agricultural livelihoods and that climate change is likely to remain an important driver of conflict, these efforts must go hand in hand with adopting policies to foster resilience and climate-smart investments, including in the agricultural sector.

How has the IMF been helping Sahel countries improve their economies?

Currently, five out of the six countries have an IMF-supported financing arrangement helping them strengthen macroeconomic frameworks and implement reforms. Moreover, Mauritania has requested access to the Resilience and Sustainability Facility (RSF) and an IMF program to introduce macro-critical climate reforms is under preparation. In addition, the Fund continues to provide extensive capacity development activities for all the economies in the region. More broadly, the IMF’s strategy for engaging with fragile and conflict affected states focuses on delivering more robust support, tailored to the characteristics of these countries. This includes rolling out Country Engagement Strategies to better assess the country specific manifestations of fragility and conflict, deploying more staff on the ground, scaling-up capacity development, and strengthening partnerships with humanitarian, development, and peace actors. The Fund is committed to helping the economies in the Sahel resume their development path even in a context of significant stress. 

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Interview

Global public debt is expected to increase to more than 93% of GDP in 2023, to rise onwards

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Director, Fiscal Affairs Department Ruud De Mooij, Deputy Director, Fiscal Affairs Department  Era Dabla‑Norris, Assistant Director, Fiscal Affairs Department interacted with the media in Marrakech on fiscal monitor 

Excerpts 

Introductory remarks

For all countries, balancing public finances has become increasingly difficult. Difficulties are created by growing demands for public spending, rising interest rates, high debts and deficits, and political resistance to taxes. But there are sharp differences across countries. On the one extreme, some countries lack the cash to pay for urgent spending and lack access to credit. On the other extreme, there are countries that do not face any immediate financing constraints but where unchanged policies would lead to ever‑rising debt. Moreover, many countries need tighter fiscal policy, not just to rebuild fiscal buffers to respond to future shocks but also to help central banks bring inflation down to target.

Worldwide, debt levels are generally elevated, and borrowing costs are climbing. Global public debt is expected to increase to more than 93 percent of GDP in 2023 and to rise onwards, mainly due to major economies, like the United States and China. The increase is projected to be about one percent of global GDP annually over the medium term. Public debt is higher and growing faster than pre-pandemic projections. Excluding these two economies, the ratio would decrease by approximately half percent annually. Slower economic growth, higher interest rates, and pressures on primary deficits also help explain why global public debt would go above 100 percent of GDP by the end of the decade.

Against this backdrop, the Fiscal Monitor dives into the fiscal implications of the green transition. Current national objectives and policies will fail to deliver net zero, with catastrophic consequences. In other words, large ambition gaps, the difference between countries’ nationally defined contributions and what’s required for Paris Agreement goals, and policy gaps (the difference between national targets and outcomes achievable under current policies) remain. The option of scaling up the present policy mix that relies on subsidies and public investment to attain net zero is projected to increase public debt by 45 to 50 percentage points of GDP for both advanced and emerging economies by 2050, compared with business as usual. The Fiscal Monitor shows that the combination of policy instruments can attenuate this most unpleasant trade‑off. Carbon pricing is a central piece but must be supplemented with measures to address other market failures and distributional concerns. Fiscal support is needed to help vulnerable households, workers, communities, and businesses to adapt. The Climate Crossroads report offers policy options to limit the accumulation of additional debt to 10 to 15 percent of GDP by 2050. This brings the scale of the problem down to a size that can be addressed by other fiscal measures.

Often, countries with limited fiscal capacity, low tax revenues, and restricted access to market financing face substantial adaptation costs. They should prioritize and increase the quality of public spending, for example, by eliminating fuel subsidies. They should also strengthen tax capacity by improving institutions and broadening the tax base. The private sector is key to a successful green transition, so authorities should put in place a policy framework, favouring private investment and private financing.

In 2021 and 2022, the IMF backed tax capacity of treasury market development in over 150 member states. Chapter 3 of the Global Financial Stability Report covers climate finance in greater detail. As COP28 nears, a global cooperative approach, led by major players — including China, India, the United States, the African Union, and the European Union — would make a significant difference. A central element would be a carbon price floor or equivalent measures. Other important elements are technology and financial transfers and/or revenue sharing. The latter could bridge financial divergences across countries and contribute to achieving the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals, starting with the elimination of poverty and hunger.

The IMF has a vital role at the center of the international monetary system. It supports sound public finances and financial stability as part of the global financial safety net. Urgent member support is needed to increase quota resources and secure funding for the concessional Poverty Reduction and Growth Trust and the Resilience and Sustainability Trust. The three‑way policy trade‑off described in the Fiscal Monitor is not limited to climate. Countries everywhere are faced with multiple spending pressures. Under such conditions, political red lines limited taxation at an insufficient level translate directly into larger deficits that push debt to ever‑rising heights. Something must give. Policy ambitions must be scaled down or political red lines on taxation moved if public debt sustainability and financial stability are to prevail. The Fiscal Monitor shows that a smart policy mix is the way out of this delimma.

In African, we all know about the high unemployment rates on the continent. We also know about the low growth on the continent. We know about the high poverty levels. So, in that environment, how do you increase taxes? And how do you use taxes as a tool to try to address the issues that you are talking about?

Thank you very much for that question because the revenue mobilisation agenda for Africa is really critical going forward. There are so many needs for spending in terms of development needs, investments in infrastructure, in education, in healthcare. Countries need to invest in adaptation, in mitigation. So, there are huge needs for revenue mobilisation because many countries are also facing high debt levels.

How much can countries generate in terms of revenue? 

We released a study two weeks ago that looks into that. So, it explores: What is the revenue potential, given the circumstances in countries? So how much can they maximally raise? And what the study finds is that by reform of policies, reform of administrations, they can generate 7 per cent more of GDP as their potential. And in addition to that, if they would also be able to change their institutions — so the quality of the state’s capacity, if low‑income countries could move to the average level of emerging markets, they could generate another 2 percent. So, we arrive at a revenue potential of all these reforms that could generate 9 percent of GDP in revenue. And, of course, the big question is: How can you do that? So, what are the measures that can contribute to that? And we find that many countries have a huge number of tax concessions. They have an income tax. They have a VAT, but they provide so many tax concessions, exemptions for certain industries, certain commodities. And the revenue foregone from these measures is between 2 and 5 per cent of GDP, so there’s a lot of potential there.

There’s a lot of tax evasion. There are studies on the VAT of tax evasion which relate to failure to register, failure to remit tax, underreporting of income, false claims for refunds. All these issues together add up to 2 to 4 percent of GDP. And this is a matter of good enforcement. Good revenue administration can go a long way in mobilising more revenue. And as Era just said, there are opportunities for, for instance, new taxes, like a carbon tax. A carbon tax is relatively easy to administer, especially interesting for countries that have limited capacity, administrative capacity to generate revenue, because you levy the tax from just a number — a small number of sources, usually large companies. So, there are many opportunities. There are many more, but these are big ones. And the question is often: How do you get it done? How do you manage politically to increase taxes? I think what is very important is to link it to the development agenda. You don’t raise taxes just for the sake of raising taxes; you do it for supporting the development agenda. And there are many examples also in Africa that have managed to increase tax revenue, over a relatively short period of time, quite significantly, by multiple percentages of GDP. And I think we can learn from these examples. On Friday, there will be the fiscal forum, where we have a number of countries explaining their experience in mobilising more revenue.

How would you convince a reluctant government to adopt a carbon taxation, considering the political price it can represent? And are there specific parameters to ensure its effectiveness? 

Our latest Fiscal Monitor, Climate Crossroads, highlights the importance of carbon pricing as an important part of the climate mitigation toolkit. And this is for two reasons. Well, first, carbon taxation, like other measures of carbon pricing, relies on the polluter‑pays principle. In other words, those who pollute more pay more. So as such, it can be an effective instrument to encourage energy preservation, to incentivise a shift toward clean energy, to catalyse private adoption, innovation of clean technologies. Second, carbon pricing — carbon taxation, in particular, can be particularly easy to administer because many countries already have fuel taxes; so, this is essentially a top‑up.

That said, carbon taxes, like any other taxes, can be unpopular. And this is because it raises energy prices. But an important thing that needs to be borne in mind is that carbon taxation also raises revenues. And these revenues then, in turn, can be used to compensate vulnerable households, vulnerable individuals from the higher energy prices. In fact, our own research at the IMF finds that when you survey people and ask them about their perceptions about carbon taxation, when they are made aware that the revenues can be recycled to protect them from the higher energy prices and to alleviate the distributional concerns, that actually leads to greater acceptability, political acceptability of carbon taxation.

That said, carbon taxation alone is not enough because it may not necessarily be the optimal policy in hard‑to‑abate sectors, such as buildings, where other types of incentives may be required. And it’s also important to note that a range of complementary policies, sectoral mitigation policies — such as fee bates, public subsidies for incentivising private investment — may be needed. So, the Fiscal Monitor emphasises a mix of policies that can be used to manage the climate transition. 

The IMF suggested to address the debt increase resulting from public climate investments, nations should take carbon pricing to generate revenue and stimulate the increased private investments. So, my question is, what alternative measures should be taken in countries where implementing carbon pricing is not feasible? 

Fiscal Monitor shows that carbon pricing can be very effective in addressing climate change, for all the reasons that I have just mentioned. If countries, instead, were to rely on just public subsidies or green subsidies and public investment to address climate change and to achieve their net zero targets, this can be fiscally very costly. And our analysis shows that this could lead potentially to higher debt — could increase debt by 45 to 50 percent of GDP. And not all countries can afford such a route. That said, it is possible to put in place carbon price equivalent policies, such as regulations, feebates, tradable performance standards, and a mixture of public subsidies and public investment, in order to achieve net zero goals. But I should — but I should emphasise that it will be costly if we don’t have carbon pricing as part of the policy mix.

Mostly, in advanced economies, post‑pandemic recovery and the energy shock and now the climate change have required and are requiring significant fiscal easing. Is now the time to go back to fiscal austerity? What’s your assessment on Italian public debt? It is very high. 

Thanks for your two questions. I would frame the issue of return as a return to fiscal rules, a return to a situation where the normal rules for the conduct of fiscal policy apply, in a context where increasing demands for public support and high inflation make a strong case for fiscal tightening, for most countries. In the case of the euro area, in the case of the European Union, we are very much in favor of a return to rules. We are in favour of the return to fiscal governance procedures in the European Union. And we believe that the commission has put on a proposal that includes very important and constructive elements, like a country‑specific approach based on a risk‑based Debt Sustainability Analysis and also the emphasis on a public spending path as the operational target. Those aspects were elements that we put forward in a paper, joint by the Fiscal Affairs Department and the European Department of the Fund, about a year ago. And we’re welcoming that these elements were taken by the European Commission proposal. We hope that the member states of the European Union will be able to reach a consensus soon because I think that that would very much contribute to stability in the European Union.

When it comes to debt in Italy, in the projections that we have just put out, we have a profile where the public debt‑to‑GDP ratio does decline; but it declines very slowly; and it stays well above the pre-pandemic level of debt. We are of the view that in order to bring the public debt‑to‑GDP ratio down in Italy, there are two elements that are crucial. One, structural reforms that will increase potential growth in Italy. That’s extremely important to dilute public debt gradually over time; but also additional ambition in terms of a fiscal adjustment in the context of a strengthening of the goals that the Italian government has in this area.

I was just wondering if you could, first, just give us a word about the conflict in the Middle East. There’s a lot of attention on this this week. It’s already pushing up energy prices for countries. It’s another shock on top of shock after shock after shock. What sort of fiscal impact might this have? And what are the things you are going to look out for in that? Also, if you could give us a word on kind of the convergence of China and the U.S. in terms of their debt‑to‑GDP ratios in your Fiscal Monitor and your Global Debt Database. They’re kind of converging at the same time. So just very briefly, on the fiscal challenges by the two largest economies in the world. Thanks.

On the situation in the Middle East, you may recall, David, that the chief economist at the IMF, Pierre‑Olivier Gourinchas, commented on possible implications associated with market developments and, in particular, developments in oil markets; but at this point in time, as he has also emphasised, it’s premature to make conjectures about that. We don’t know enough. And, of course, the conflict has not been reflected in the projections, in the numbers that we can deploy at this particular point in time. We are following developments very closely. They are developments of global relevance. When it comes to China and the U.S., the two largest economies in the world are also dominant in terms of global public debt developments. I emphasized in my introductory remarks. So global public debt is projected to increase by about 1 percentage point per year until the end of our projection period, in 2028. And if one would continue at this pace until the end of the decade, one would have global public debt above 100 percent of GDP. Without the U.S. and China, the trend would actually be declining by about half a percentage point per year. So, the two largest economies are really very important.

Something that the U.S. and China have also in common, that I want to emphasize, is ample policy space. Both in the case of the U.S. and in the case of China, the authorities have multiple policy options. They have multiple policy levers that they can use, ample policy space. It’s very important to bear that in mind. But the challenges that both economies face are quite substantial. In both cases, we have very high deficits in our projections. In both cases, we have rapidly growing debt. And in the case of the United States, if one uses, for example, the Congressional Budget Office’s projection, one has the public debt increasing until 2050 to very high levels; and the path of debt is pushed by high deficits, in part, determined by rising interest payments on the debt. So, the U.S. has ample policy instruments to control these developments and will have to choose to use them. And the U.S. can also introduce a stronger set of budget rules and procedures, doing away with the debt ceiling brinkmanship that creates uncertainty and volatility, without contributing much to fiscal discipline in the U.S. When it comes to China, I would not put the emphasis on public debt per se. I would say that the challenge for China is growth, stability, and innovation. And I don’t think that in this press conference, we have time, David, to speak on this at depth, but I am quite happy to explore that bilaterally.

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