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Analysis

CAN ‘88 budget implementation avert inflation (2)

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Monetary policies like fiscal policies seek to achieve the same stated objective. More often moderate governments resources the use of monetary policies options as its implementation has immediate impact and less obvious in its effect unlike the fiscal measures whose burden is traceable to government activities.
Monetary policies essentially deal with monetary and credit variables. The instrument used its achieves of stimulation of growth in national output raising the level of employment in the economy, the promotion of increased financial savings and efficient resource allocation, moderation of inflation and improvement in the balance of payment cannot effect these goals directly. Monetary policies can only realise them by influencing monetary variables which have definite relationship with the above goals.
Among these variables are money supply, credit (bank advances and liquidity requirements) and interest rates. The monetary and credit policy No 22 of 1988 has set the following targets for the variable in the fiscal year 198.
Money supply to grow from 1/8 per cent t 15 per cent.
Aggregate bank credit from 4.4 per cent to 8.1 per cent.
Expansion in credit from 1.5 per cent to 2.5 per cent.
Growth in credit to private sector from 7.4 per cent to 13.3 per cent and
Liquidity ratio from 30 per cent to 27.5 per cent for banks
From the above monetary policy provision the policies are expansionary s more money will circulate within the economy. For economic goals to be realised through the use of the above monetary instrument it is essential to know te relationship between the instruments and such a relationship would be predictable.
The question often asked is what relationship is there between money supply, interest rates and credit availability and the economic goal government seeks to achieve. The assumption is that government would have established a clear relationship between the policy instruments before employing them. For effective monetary policies the relationship thus established must necessity be of operational significance. For instance, there must be in the case of money supply an agreement on the appropriate definition of money.
The monetary authorities employed for this purpose the Mr (Notes and coins) leaving out demand deposit savings and call money out of the definition. As the monetary and policy credit guidelines for 1988 provides there will be increased supply of money to the economy during the course of the fiscal year. The money supply essentially will be autonomous in nature.
From economic perspective an autonomous increase inn money supply is going to create a discrepancy between money desired by people to hold and the actual money they hold. In this kind of situation which the 1988 budget will bring into being money actually held will be greater than money desired. This means that Nigerians are asked to hold money than they would have liked ordinarily. To do this successfully the Central Bank had to reduce interest rates.
With more money in the hands of Nigerians there will be a rush for the consumables to unload the money. More parties will be held. The increased spending resulting from this in turn will lead to increase in income through a stimulated economic activities.
Perhaps the increase is demand for goods and services will in the short run result in shortages of goods and services especially with the prevalent shortage of raw materials and the inadequacies of foreign exchange to fund imports.
Open market operation being the monetary authorities instrument of effective increase of decrease in money supply should be with caution and after a careful study of the economy. Since Central Bank redemption of treasury bills and certificates increase money while the selling of same decrease money supply buying back should be more in last two quarters of the year while selling should be more in the first two quarters. This will help control the volume of money in circulation and moderate inflation.
In applying this open market instrument the Central Bank should take into consideration the various increases in customer spending through aggregate expenditure injection into the economy so as to know the amount to withdraw from or put into the economy at any given time. It should also keep tabs n the supply of goods and services as to match the money supplied with the volume of goods in the economy.
The variation in the legal liquidity ratio requirements of banks the reserve requirements will be needed especially during the course of the 2nd half of the year to help moderate inflation.
The 27.5 per cent should increase gradually to about 30 per cent during the last quarters. This will log banks lending ability at this point as the economy liquidity would have been relatively high. The use of moral situation should also be employed to persuade banks on what course to take. The careful use of these selective credit control measures will be go a long way in moderating inflation.
Government intention not to float development stock this year should be strictly adhered t and midstream measure should not be introduced during the implementation of the budget.
As spending increase, investment will increase especially with the drop in interest rate. If the Nigerian economy responds to the forces of demand and supply, interest rates might fall further as the two have inverse relationship. This is the principle of liquidity preference theory which states that surplus money supply leads to low interest rates.
The special deflationary fund provided for in the 1988 budget will further increase the liquidity position of the economy making easy money available to economic agents in 1988.
The credit policy allows banks to increase their lending from 4.4 per cent to 8.1 per cent. With this liberal policy on banks lending businessmen will not go to banks for loans. With loans available for investment purpose business spending will rise and would compete for the few available raw materials. This might result in increased cost to the business community by way of higher costs due to increase demand.
What the credit policy should have done is to the majority of credit to projects which when completed will add to the capital stock of the economy. The credit policy as it stands now is inflationary and should be modified and ensure that most bank lending for 1988 are project tied.
Also provision that banks should own shares in small and medium scale enterprises is welcome. But a blanket licence to banks will make their lending to be more to those businesses they have interest in at the expense of others that it actual fact need the loans.
In making the instrument, government should ensure that firms are given adequate protection against banks. Banks should be made to own such shares for a given period in which the business would have been firmly established after which they sell off their holdings in the business. Through this way, a good number of business would have survived and the solid foundation on which future industrialisation would be build would have been laid.
Also necessary is for banks to invest in foundries industries that provide raw materials to feed th big firms, If foundries firms are properly funded they will provide spare parts for Nigeria industries which will go a long way to save foreign exchange spent on importing spare parts.

CAN ‘88 budget implementation avert inflation (I) 28/01/88

Budget is the term used to describe the combination of fiscal activities in which a government engages during a specific period of time.
When a government’s outlays are exactly equal to is tax receipt, the government budget is said to be balanced, when outlays differs so that surpluses are deficit exist the budget is said to be surplus or deficit as the case may be.
The federal government of Nigeria 1988 budget is a deficit one.
Budgets are means and ways by which government seeks to resolve the conflicting macro-economic goals it set for itself.
At the macro level, the Nigerian government seeks to achieve full employment of productive resources hat have been idle since 1982 economic recession. Price instability that has been officially put at 15% inflation rate), real economic growth now it 1.2 per cent which lad recorded a negative growth of 3.2 per cent n 1986 and 1987 and balance of payment equilibrium which ;government is still batting seriously with through debt rescheduling and export drive, re also concerns of the budget.
The economic problem with achieving these goals are that some of them are conflicting, which means of having one could create ir reinforce another.
The usual economic practices is to establish models to determine he magnitude, reliability and the degree of confidence of the parameters of the variables involved in order to arrive at acceptable and meaningful trade-offs that would gear the economy toward the desired directions.
The fear is that the preparation of the 1988 budget did not take these into consideration most particularly in a military regime where budget proposals do not get any debate and scrutiny of an elected house that would act as a check on proposal that might not the worth while for the economy.
The budget process in Nigeria is high imperfect as unprecedented interest and unaccounted for cost and gains in the political system are in al likelihood, more prevail int than market failure in the private economy These imperfections in the budget process are caused by basic and deep seated inadequacies in Nigeria’s military dictatorship.
The budgeting process does not have the luxury of public debates on the floor of an elected house. It is but a reflection of the choices of the ruling military personnel and their aids. The budget document cannot be precisely referred to as a primary political document as in the United States of America where lots of checks and balances moderate the budget.
The time frame in, preparing the budget is unnecessarily short to take into considerations and give policy makers a clear perception of the endogenous and exogenous variables within and outside the Nigeria economy.
As a result of the short time span in preparing Nigeria’s budget, the 1988 budget ran into the error of giving greater weight to objective that does not merit it. This is more so when one viewed Nigeria as an economy without adequate data base.
To many economist, it was wonder how targets where set and arrived at for the 1988 budget.
The basic initial change in an economy is motivated by consumer spending. This tends to cause the economy’s level of income to change by some multiple of the initial change-multiplier effect.
Through budgetary provision, the Nigeria government intends to reflate the economy with about X24 billion naira with a special reflationery provision of N2.5 billion. With this money in the economy, the multiplier effect is going to be much in the short run, the nation cannot avoid inflationary pressure.
The key issue is that the budget did not state how inflation would be combated. Although it is a known fact that a change in one component that affects the level of income in an economy may not having a full multiplier effect on the economy’s equilibrium level of income because of the off setting changes it indices in the economy but the Nigerian situation is different and the full impact is likely.
One of the most commonly discussed economic conditions that may cause an economy to experience inflation is an increase in consumer purchasing.
It is important to note that the 1988 budget provisions contain potent element that are capable of causing general rise in prices apart form the popular and easily identifiable ones of government spending and money supply increases.
Taxes of course are low in 1988 so that individual Nigerians and corporate bodies may have large disposable incomes to spend for consumer goods. With more money in me hands of both individuals and corporate bodies, demand for goods and services will rise and thus prices. Already prices of essential food items have increased two folds and there is the possibility of more when the budget implementation would have been in full gear.
It is important that government time the period of releasing more money into the economy in a way that would tally with the absorptive capacity of the economy. Delayed payments involving certain amounts of money could be used as a device to check the side- effects of much money in the economy.
Another economic condition which the 1988 budget will bring in its trail is an increase in the cost of producing goods and services. Such higher costs that might he experienced in 1988 will be conditioned by increases in wage’s.
With the lifting of wage freeze labour unions will now go all out to demand for wage increases. If wages are increased arbitrarily across the board without a corresponding productivity, costs of producing goods will go higher and thus passed to consumers through price increases.
wage increases account should be taken of the average productivity within the Nigerian economy. If it is estimated that the average productivity is 5%, wage increases should not be allowed above five percent in order to check the effect wage increases might have on production cost
Labour leaders in the country have lots to do here. They should learn that the pay packet itself is not what matters but the real wage which is determined by the price level. Higher commodity prices reduce the purchasing power of the individual.
The initial effect, however, of cost increases that are not offset by lower costs of other things is that while the Nigerian firms may still physically be able to produce as many goods and services as before the increase, they will be willing to produce them if they can get higher prices to cover their new higher costs.
If the premise of the impeding inflation is that production not prices is more in meeting the wants of Nigerians, the situation could be contained through increase in consumer spending so that the economy can avoid unemployment and less than maximum
The issue here then is that of establishing the degree of inflation [hat is acceptable in order to curb unemployment.
As the 1988 budget stands out the increase in aggregate demand via increases in consumer spending (reflation) mean accepting changes in the distribution of the Nigerian produced gods and services in favour of an individual who will be able to raise their money wages and other incomes while correspondingly a smaller share will go to those such as the desired who can not raise their money incomes to off set the higher product price.
There was perhaps no consideration for these groups in preparing the 1988 budget.
The 1988 budget is loaded with potentials of wage price inflationary spiral with government continually increasing demand in order to maintain full employment and thus continually ratifying
the efforts of those groups who are able to increase their money wages to gain control of more of the economy goods and services. In order to reduce the inflationary impact after the 1988 budget, a gradual reduction in demand through a reduction in money supply is required during the course of
implementing the 1988 budget. This is necessary to discourage behaviour that could cause a cost push inflation. A lack of well defined income policy for 1988 would fuel inflation in the cause of the year.
The basis for such an income policy is that higher money wages do not necessarily cause cost push inflation in an economy if they are accompanied by a sufficient increase in the productivity of the economy’s labour force. Prices of goods and services in Nigeria will not rise if both wages and Productivity increase proportionately even if workers we paid more they also are producing more so that the cost of each product they will produce will tend to domain the same. The basic issue here is, will the productivity of the Nigerian work force increase?’ by how much if so?
The expectation is that government should have estimated the country’s average productivity and then
recommend wage increases that do not go beyond the average keep prices at the same level.
What those charged with implementing the 1988 budget should sec to is increase in productivity as it is capable of causing the demand for labour in the economy to rise even faster than the economy’s labour supply. Through this means the unemployment situation in the country could In reduced considerably a well as keeping down. inflation. It should be noted that inflation itself i not the bane of ai economy with regard to economic growth In fact, to encourage investment a certain proportion of inflation is required. This is usually referred to as natural rate of inflation. For Nigeria about 15% price appreciation yearly is needed keep the economy running and make investment profitable. What‚Äôs is not needed is a higher level of inflation.
The inflationary content of the 1988 budget might not give opportunity to investors. The budget will stimulate demand which will result in the rise of finished inventories of finished inventories. This in turn will stimulate demand for raw materials. If price are allowed to rise as they are already doing producers might find it difficult to acquire capital goods, as they will compete with materials at the foreign exchange market FEM.
With more pressure on the naira, the exchange rate will rise thus making imported capital goods most expensive. This is capable of discouraging investment most especially as the public sector will now go to FEM to purchase foreign exchange.
The federal government should in the cause of 1988 allocate more foreign exchange to FEM than budgeted for and the Enterprises Promotion Decree amendment should be brought to public notice in order to public notice in order to attract foreign investment.

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As EU plans Russian Gas exit, Ministers to convene in Paris to chart Africa’s export potential

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In the wake of seismic shifts in the European energy landscape, the Invest in African Energy (IAE) 2026 Forum in Paris will host a Ministerial Dialogue on “Unlocking Africa’s Gas Supply for Global Energy Security.” This strategic session will examine how Africa can turn its untapped gas reserves into a reliable and sustainable source of supply. With Europe seeking to diversify away from Russian gas, the dialogue highlights both the continent’s growing role in global energy markets and the opportunity for African producers to attract long-term investment. Recent developments underscore the urgency of Africa’s role in global energy security. Last month, EU countries agreed to phase out their remaining Russian gas imports, with existing contracts benefiting from a transition period: short-term contracts can continue until June 2026, while long-term contracts will run until January 2028. In parallel, the European Commission is pushing to end Russian LNG imports by January 2027 under a broader sanctions package aimed at limiting Moscow’s energy revenues.

Africa’s role in this rebalancing is already gaining momentum. Algeria recently renewed its gas supply agreement with ČEZ Group, ensuring continued deliveries to the Czech Republic. In Libya, the National Oil Corporation (NOC) has approved new compressors at the Bahr Essalam field to boost output and reinforce flows via the Greenstream pipeline to Italy. These developments complement the Structures A&E offshore project – led by Eni and the NOC – which is expected to bring two platforms online by 2026 and produce up to 750 million cubic feet per day, supporting both domestic and European demand. West Africa is pursuing ambitious export routes as well.

Nigeria, Algeria and Niger have revived the Trans-Saharan Gas Pipeline (TSGP), with engineering firm Penspen commissioned earlier this year to revalidate its feasibility. The proposed $25 billion Nigeria–Morocco pipeline is also advancing as a long-term corridor linking West African gas to European markets. Meanwhile, the Greater Tortue Ahmeyim (GTA) project off Mauritania and Senegal came online earlier this year, with its first phase targeting 2.3 million tons of LNG annually. In June, the project delivered its third cargo to Belgium’s Zeebrugge terminal, marking the first African LNG shipment from GTA to Europe. Together, these milestones underscore a strategic convergence: African producers are accelerating efforts to scale up exports just as Europe intensifies its search for reliable alternatives to Russian gas.

Yet, as the ministerial session will explore, unlocking Africa’s gas supply demands sustained investment, regulatory alignment, environmental management and community engagement. For Europe, diversification of supply is a strategic necessity; for African producers, it is an opportunity to accelerate development, build infrastructure and secure long-term capital. At IAE 2026, these shifts will be examined by the officials and stakeholders driving them. The Ministerial Dialogue brings African energy leaders together with European policymakers, industry players and investors in a setting that supports practical, solution-focused discussion on supply, export strategies and future cooperation. As Europe adapts its gas strategy and African producers progress major projects, the Forum provides a direct platform for ministers to outline priorities and for investors to engage with key decision-makers.

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Authorities must respond as digital tools used by organized criminals accelerate financial crime—IMF

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International Monetary Fund IMF, has said that criminals are outpacing enforcement by adapting ever faster ways to carry out digital fraud. The INF in a Blog post said the Department of Justice in June announced the largest-ever US crypto seizure: $225 million from crypto scams known as pig butchering, in which organized criminals, often across borders, use advanced technology and social engineering such as romance or investment schemes to manipulate victims. This typically involves using AI-generated profiles, encrypted messaging, and obscured blockchain transactions to hide and move stolen funds. It was a big win. Federal agents collaborated across jurisdictions and used blockchain analysis and machine learning to track thousands of wallets used to scam more than 400 victims. Yet it was also a rare victory that underscored how authorities often must play catch-up in a fast-changing digital world. And the scammers are still out there. They pick the best tools for their schemes, from laundering money through crypto and AI-enabled impersonation to producing deepfake content, encrypted apps, and decentralized exchanges. Authorities confronting anonymous, borderless threats are held back by jurisdiction, process, and legacy systems.
Annual illicit crypto activity growth has averaged about 25 percent in recent years and may have surpassed $51 billion last year, according to Chainalysis, a New York–based blockchain analysis firm specializing in helping criminal investigators trace transactions. Bad actors still depend on cash and traditional finance, and money laundering specifically relies on banks, informal money changers, and cash couriers. But the old ways are being reinforced or supercharged by technologies to thwart detection and disruption.
Encrypted messaging apps help cartels coordinate cross-border transactions. Stablecoins and lightly regulated virtual asset platforms can hide bribes and embezzled funds. Cybercriminals use AI-generated identities and bots to deceive banks and evade outdated controls. Tracking proceeds generated by organized crime is nearly impossible for underresourced agencies. AI lowers barriers to entry. Fraudsters with voice-cloning and fake-document generators bypass the verification protocols many banks and regulators still use. Their innovation is growing as compliance systems lag. Governments recognize the threats, but responses are fragmented and uneven—including in regulation of crypto exchanges. And there are delays implementing the Financial Action Task Force’s (FATF’s) “travel rule” to better identify those sending and receiving money across borders, which most digital proceeds cross.
Meanwhile, international financial flows are increasingly complicated by instant transfers on decentralized platforms and anonymity-enhancing tools. Most payments still go through multiple intermediaries, often layering cross-border transactions through antiquated correspondent banks that obscure and delay transactions while raising costs. This helps criminals exploit oversight gaps, jurisdictional coordination, and technological capacity to operate across borders, often undetected.
Regulators and fintechs should be partners, and sustained multilateral engagement should foster fast, cheap, transparent, and traceable cross-border payments. There’s a parallel narrative. Criminals exploit innovation for secrecy and speed while companies and governments test coordination to reduce vulnerabilities and modernize cross-border infrastructure. At the same time, technological implications remain underexplored with respect to anti–money laundering and countering the financing of terrorism, or AML/CFT. Singapore’s and Thailand’s linked fast payment systems, for example, enable real-time retail transfers using mobile numbers; Indonesia and Malaysia have connected QR codes for cross-border payments. Such innovations offer efficiency and inclusion yet raise new issues regarding identity verification, transaction monitoring, and regulatory coordination.
In India, the Unified payments interface enables seamless transfers across apps and platforms, highlighting the power of interoperable design. More than 18 billion monthly transactions, many across competing platforms, show how openness and standardization drive scale and inclusion. Digital payments in India grew faster when interoperability improved, especially in fragmented markets where switching was costly, IMF research shows These regional innovations and global initiatives reflect a growing understanding that fighting crime and fostering inclusion are interlinked priorities—especially as criminals speed ahead. The FATF echoed this concern, urging countries to design AML/CFT controls that support inclusion and innovation. Moreover, an FATF June recommendation marks a major advance: Requiring originator and beneficiary information for cross-border wire transfers—including those involving virtual assets—will enhance traceability across the fast-evolving digital financial ecosystem.
Efforts like these are important examples of how technology enables criminal advantage, but technology must also be part of the regulatory response.
Modernizing cross-border payment systems and reducing unintended AML/CFT barriers increasingly means focusing on transparency, interoperability, and risk-based regulation. The IMF’s work on “safe payment corridors” supports this by helping countries build trusted, secure channels for legitimate financial flows without undermining new technology. A pilot with Samoa —where de-risking has disrupted remittances—showed how targeted safeguards and collaboration with regulated providers can preserve access while maintaining financial integrity without disrupting the use of new payment platforms.
Several countries, with IMF guidance, are investing in machine learning to detect anomalies in cross-border financial flows, and others are tightening regulation of virtual asset service providers. Governments are investing in their own capacity to trace crypto transfers, and blockchain analytics firms are often employed to do that. IMF analysis of cross-border flows and the updated FATF rules are mutually reinforcing. If implemented cohesively, they can help digital efficiency coexist with financial integrity. For that to happen, legal frameworks must adapt to enable timely access to digital evidence while preserving due process. Supervisory models need to evolve to oversee both banks and nonbank financial institutions offering cross-border services. Regulators and fintechs should be partners, and sustained multilateral engagement should foster fast, cheap, transparent, and traceable cross-border payments—anchored interoperable standards that also respect privacy.
Governments must keep up. That means investing in regulatory technology, such as AI-powered transaction monitoring and blockchain analysis, and giving agencies tools and expertise to detect complex crypto schemes and synthetic identity fraud. Institutions must keep pace with criminals by hiring and retaining expert data scientists and financial crime specialists. Virtual assets must be brought under AML/CFT regulation, public-private partnerships should codevelop tools to spot emerging risks, and global standards from the FATF and the Financial Stability Board must be backed by national investments in effective AML/CFT frameworks.
Consistent and coordinated implementation is important. Fragmented efforts leave openings for criminals. Their growing technological advantage over governments threatens to undermine financial integrity, destabilize economies, weaken already fragile institutions, and erode public trust in systems meant to ensure safety and fairness. As crime rings adopt and adapt emerging technologies to outpace enforcement, the cost is not only fiscal—it is structural and systemic. Governments can’t wait. The criminals won’t.

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Multilateral development banks reaffirm commitment to climate finance, pledge innovative funding for adaptation

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Multilateral development banks have reaffirmed their commitment to climate finance, pledging to scale up innovative funding to boost climate adaptation and resilience. “Financing climate resilience is not a cost, but an investment.” This was the key message from senior MDB officials at the end of a side event organised by the Climate Investment Funds (CIF) on the opening day of the 30th United Nations Climate Conference (COP30) in Belém, Brazil.

The conference runs from 10 to 21 November. During a panel discussion titled “Accelerating large-scale climate change adaptation,” MDB representatives, including the African Development Bank Group, outlined how their institutions are fulfilling Paris Agreement commitments by mobilising substantial and innovative resources for climate adaptation and mitigation. Ilan Goldfajn, President of the Inter-American Development Bank Group, emphasised that “resilience is more than a concern for the future: it is also essential for development today.” He announced that MDBs are tripling their financing for resilience over the next decade, targeting $42 billion by 2030.

“At the Inter-American Development Bank, we are turning preparedness into protection and resilience into opportunity,” Goldfajn added. Tanja Faller, Director of Technical Evaluation and Monitoring at the Council of Europe Development Bank, stressed that climate change “not only creates new threats, but also amplifies existing inequalities. The most socially vulnerable people are the hardest hit and the last to recover. This is how a climate crisis also becomes a social crisis.” Representatives from the Islamic Development Bank, the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, the Asian Development Bank, the World Bank Group, the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development,  the European Investment Bank, the New Development Bank and IDB Invest (the private sector arm of the Inter-American Development Bank Group) also shared concrete examples of successful adaptation investments and strategies for mobilising new resources.

Kevin Kariuki, Vice President of the African Development Bank Group in charge of Power, Energy, Climate and Green Growth, presented the Bank’s leadership in advancing climate adaptation and mitigation. “At the African Development Bank, we understand the priorities of our countries: adaptation and mitigation are at the heart of our climate interventions.” He highlighted the creation of the Climate Action Window, a new financing mechanism under the African Development Fund, the Bank Group’s concessional window for low-income countries.

“The African Development Bank is the only multilateral development bank with a portfolio of adaptation projects ready for investment through the Climate Action Window,” Kariuki noted, adding that Germany, the United Kingdom and Switzerland are among key co-financing partners. Kariuki also showcased the Bank’s YouthADAPT programme, which has invested $5.4 million in 41 youth-led enterprises across 20 African countries, generating more than 10,000 jobs — 61 percent of which are led by women, and mobilising an additional $7 million in private and donor funding.

Representatives from Zambia, Mozambique and Jamaica also shared local perspectives on the financing needs of communities most exposed to climate risk. The panel followed the official opening of COP30, marked by a passionate appeal from Brazilian President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva for greater climate investment to prevent a “tragedy for humanity.”

“Without the Paris Agreement, we would see a 4–5°C increase in global temperatures,” Lula warned. “Our call to action is based on three pillars: honouring commitments; accelerating public action with a roadmap enabling humanity to move away from fossil fuels and deforestation; and placing humanity at the heart of the climate action programme: thousands of people are living in poverty and deprivation as a result of climate change. The climate emergency is a crisis of inequality,” he continued.

“We must build a future that is not doomed to tragedy. We must ensure that we live in a world where we can still dream.” Outgoing COP President Mukhtar Babayevn, Azerbaijan’s Minister of Ecology, urged developed nations to fulfil their promises made at the Baku Conference, including commitments to mobilise $300 billion in climate finance. He called for stronger political will and multilateral cooperation, before handing over the COP presidency to Brazilian diplomat André Corrêa do Lago, who now leads the negotiations.

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